Jeffrey Sachs: Światowy porządek zbudowany na kłamstwach właśnie się rozpada

 

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Witamy ponownie. Dziś jest 4 września 2026 roku i mamy wielką przyjemność gościć Jeffreya Saxsa. Dziękuję.
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Dziękuję za powrót do programu. Chciałbym zacząć od… chyba dużego pytania, które brzmi: „jak ty…”
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Wyjaśnij Myślę, że tym razem w historii widzimy, że NATO jest zaangażowane w wojnę z Rosją.
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Kiedyś to była wojna zastępcza. Myślę, że przekroczyliśmy granicę. Widzimy Stany Zjednoczone w tej wojnie z Iranem, która rozprzestrzeniła się na cały region i może również wciągnąć…
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inne wielkie mocarstwa. Dyplomacja jest kryminalizowana. Stany Zjednoczone nawet teraz zastraszają i pożerają swoich
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sojuszników. Europejczycy tracą na znaczeniu, a Stany Zjednoczone zdają się być na krawędzi wielkiego kryzysu finansowego. A jednak
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Nasze rządy i media zapewniają nas, że wszystko jest w porządku. To wszystko zostało spowodowane przez innych ludzi, a my…
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Wygrywanie. No cóż, to znaczy, i to wszystko jest ze sobą ściśle powiązane. Więc jak można wyjaśnić ten okres w historii?
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Myślę, że ogólnie rzecz biorąc, jest to zderzenie wizji jednobiegunowej i
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intencji Stanów Zjednoczonych z wielobiegunową rzeczywistością. Zatem z mentalności militarno-przemysłowej
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kompleks USA jako certyfikowany bezsprzecznie myśleli, że do końca
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Związek Radziecki, uh, Stany Zjednoczone są panującym mistrzem świata, uh od teraz i
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na zawsze i to zderza się z fundamentalną rzeczywistością, że to po prostu nie jest
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No więc. Stany Zjednoczone stanowią 4,2% światowej populacji, można by rzec 14,5%
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światowego PKB. A to nie wystarczy, by zostać panującym hegemonem świata. Więc
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co Stany Zjednoczone myślą, że są, jak działają, jak chcą być lub jak wierzą, że są
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musi być w kolizji z podstawową rzeczywistością, w której Chiny są
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większa gospodarka, w której większość świata nie chce się znaleźć
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US made rules or US hijgemony. Um, and that collision shows up in all of these
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uh theaters of war. Uh, this is the same story in the Middle East. It's the same story uh in Ukraine. It's the same story
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in East Asia. It's a US uh war machine, the military-industrial complex that
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runs the US political structures and the security state that believed firmly uh
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from 1947 onward uh after the end of World War II that the US would win a
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twilight struggle with the Soviet Union and emerge as the world's unique leader,
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something like the British Empire of the 19th century or something like the Roman Empire of the 1st century AD. When the
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Soviet Union ended, all of this was confirmed and the US went into overdrive to solidify the so-called unipolar
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moment and that was subscribed to by both political parties.
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So the idea that this is somehow a partisan issue or a Trump issue is not at all correct. Uh this is something
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that is a US issue but not US in the sense of the body politic. US in the sense of the
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leading forces of the United States which as uh Dwight D. Eisenhower explained to the American people on
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January 17th, 1961 is the militaryindustrial complex which you could say
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understandably or traditionally in all through history is the leader of the state apparatus that is the security state. Uh it's the war making capacity.
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Uh and in the United States it basically means the Pentagon and the CIA and the now Silicon Valley, the war contractors
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and the financiers. Uh and that has been the uh uh guiding force of American
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foreign policy since uh the end of World War II. Uh when Dean Aerson uh who was
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one of America's leading diplomats after World War II wrote his memoirs, he called it present at the creation. I
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thought at when I was young that that was kind of a clever title. Now I think it's a kind of madness. The creation was not 1945 or 1947 or 1949.
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But from the American point of view, it was the creation of the America world.
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And the end of the Soviet Union was the confirmation of the American world. And we have had nothing since then but
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rhetoric uh from some sane people, from some crazy people, but all pretty much
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the same that America is the all powerful country. Mattaline Albbright,
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the Secretary of State uh in the 1990s called the United States the indispensable country, the country that
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sees further than anyone else. She actually said uh the neocons
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said that we are the liberal hegeimon of the world. Uh, Brjinski wrote in 1997, a
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very sane man, very decent man, uh, but he wrote that American power was irresistible, that Russia would have no
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capacity but to exceed to American power. Because in a famous couple of sentences in his book, The Grand
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Chessboard, he says, "American scientific and technological and financial and economic and military
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dominance is so great that there is no alternative in the world." And uh this I
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think is the real basis of uh where we are today. All of that is just not true.
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uh it's not true today most importantly because of the rise of China uh but it's
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not true because in our world uh there is no such thing as the permanent
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hegeimon uh there never has been and there won't be because no power uh has
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the unique advantage that it can impose its will on the rest of the world and
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certainly not a power that wants to do it by extraction rather than by gift. So, one
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final point about this collision that we're on is that uh back in the 1940s
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after World War II, the United States really was extraordinarily powerful. It had for four years an
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atomic uh bomb monopoly between Los Alamos and 1949.
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Uh it was indisputably the industrial power of the world. It was indisputably the financial power of
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the world. Unlike the Soviet Union, which had incurred 27 million deaths from Hitler's uh army, uh the United
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States had one day of attack uh December 7th, 1941 on its territory and all the rest was building the military capacity.
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So the US really was a economic, financial and military titan at the end of the 1940s.
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And it was uh uh America's view at the time that it should use that advantage
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to underwrite an America world. The Marshall Plan being the most famous part
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of that. Well, fast forward 75 years with the US in a much diminished uh
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economic and financial role without the dominance of technology uh with big
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inequalities in American society and major debt which is also to a significant part mismanagement but to
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some extent the cost of wannabe uh hegemony. Uh the United States doesn't
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say we underwrite the world order. It says we extract. So now the United
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States wants to charge other countries for the US military deployed in those
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countries. Uh it literally says we have bases in Korea and Japan. We defend you.
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You pay for us. Uh the US demands from Europe that it spend 5% of GDP. The US
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says we need oil, so we'll invade Venezuela. We'll kidnap the president
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and we will bribe or suborn the government and then Venezuela's oil is
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ours. We turned from uh at least self-interested
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beneficence, if you could say it that way. Uh but it was self-interested, but still it was giving. Uh we turned from
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that to grifting and extraction. And Trump is uh he's a thug. He's a
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low-level thug. He's always been a low-level uh thug. He's a New York real estate developer who bankrupted his
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companies multiple times, but his normal way of doing business for decades was to
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sign a contract and then after the construction was done to call in the uh
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counterparty and to say, "I'm going to pay you half of what's in that contract uh and you're going to take half." and
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the uh befuddled counterpart would say, "Excuse me, but we have a contract." And Trump would say, "Sue me. Sue me." He's
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technically speaking an He's been that way for decades. This is his modus operandi. But now this is US
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foreign policy. So this is actually extraction. So how can you be 4% of the
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world population 14% of the world output about uh 13% of the import market for
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the world extracting from everybody invading where you want uh threatening
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where you want and expect that you're going to be able to keep control of an environment like that. the rest of the
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world is saying no thank you and they're balancing the most uh basic feature of
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geopolitics in history which is if you have a bully the other side gets together and says we don't want the
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bullying and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting last week well that
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is uh about uh 40% of world output in population that says we don't want to be
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bullied and bricks will meet next week and that is half of world output and population
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approximately they'll be meeting in Delhi uh they say we don't want to be bullied now the truth is the United
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States continues one by one with the Indians with the others to bully to threaten to bribe to do whatever it can
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uh to try to break apart this balancing against the United States. But I think on the whole the transparency of Trump's
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modus operandi is so clear. The thuggery of it, the crudeness of it, uh the illegality of it, the fact that there's
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no such thing as an agreement with Trump, an agreement is what you uh what you reject the next day.
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I think that this means that there is no clever path for the United States to
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maintain the hegemony. So that's how I view it. Basic collision between self- reggard and reality uh with an
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underlying change from self-interested beneficence to grifter gangster behavior.
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[laughter]
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And this is not a good situation. It's a very dangerous one.
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I think that was nice description of it all. But uh but this foreign policy as you describe it though built up around uh while maintaining American primacy
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and for the Europeans I would say a policy of uh well being the junior partner of the US and well taking that advantage. uh this appears to have now
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shifted towards a foreign policy of uh I guess ignoring new realities and trying to roll it back. Uh how do you see the
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economic consequence of this though building up? Because uh uh again this is another thing the Trump keeps saying you
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know America's hotter than ever and uh and at the same time you know I'm not you know if you measure in I guess the
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industrialization or energy crisis stability of currencies I mean how how stable is this system now? Well, it's
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not much of a system after all right now. It is really a um a disorder rather
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than an order. Uh and everybody is recalculating. Of course, the US looks
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like it has advantages. So, no one's writing off the United States right now.
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Uh the US has its AI. The US has a booming stock market, no doubt. uh the US is still the world's currency.
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Some people say, well, in the end of the day, the US will crush Iran or in the end of the day, uh the US will get its
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way. And so, uh even though, as I described it, there's a clash of with reality in this grandiosity of uh
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American foreign policy. Um, a lot of countries are hedging their bets. Uh, I'm in touch with governments
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that say, "Well, yes, Jeff, we of course agree with you, but we, you know, dare not insult uh the big man and uh th this
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is still not a decisive uh moment. This is a a moment
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of great flux and a lot of unpredictability and a lot of violence.
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And we know that there's a lot of unpredictability in violence and potential complete disaster. But
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from an economic point of view, it's worth remembering that in addition to the geopolitical changes and the wars,
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there are some uh very very important uh deep uh changes underway in the world
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that will reshape the world economy as well. Of course, number one is the technological revolution that's
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underway, which is absolutely real. It's not owned by the United States, though the US led it uh for much of the time.
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The AI revolution, the computation revolution, the digital revolution. This is real, deep and transformative and
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incidentally in ways that are heatedly debated because it is a to some extent just an open
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future and to a big extent an unknown future. Will AI uh lead to the end of
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jobs? Will it lead to the age of abundance? will lead to runaway agents which end up blowing us all up because
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they take over the nuclear launch computers because all the computers are put on open AI and lo and behold they
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can't control their own agents. Uh you know we don't know uh the answers to some of these things. some we need to
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prevent but uh also the United States is owned by these companies rather than governing these companies and so there's
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a lot of technological uncertainty the ecological and environmental shocks in
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the world are absolutely huge as well uh we are reaching major tipping points in
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the earth system functions uh we could have a multimemeter rise of sea level anytime in the next century. It could be
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tomorrow. It could be a major cving of the West Antarctic ice sheet that deposits enough of the Antarctic ice
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sheet into the southern ocean that it leads to a pulse of sea level rise of several meters. That would devastate
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hundreds of millions of people. Have no doubt about it. It would be a cat cataclysmic event. And for anyone who
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doubts the force of nature, look again at the shocking videos that came out of Nepal a few days ago with the collapse
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of a glacier uh that led to destruction in which buildings look like a Hollywood
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film being brushed aside and thousands killed suddenly by this. A lot of this is going to happen uh in the future
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because we are at tipping points of the ocean circulation, the ocean sea level,
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the stability of the west Antarctic ice sheet, the uh boreal perafrost, uh the rainforests which are drying especially in the southern Amazon.
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So that's another point that's very important and it involves fundamental
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issues of food security uh water security for uh and uh physical environmental livability for example the
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coastline uh that will affect vast populations. Normally you'd think we care about all of this. Well, Trump has
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pulled us out of every environmental treaty and he's trashed all the environmental science. He's trashed the websites of our scientific organization.
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So, the basic monitoring is no longer being done. And all of this is happening as we're going into what could be the most powerful El Nino in recorded
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history just now. In other words, in in the coming months, there are forest fires everywhere that are massive big
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droughts, tremendous change. So these are underlying factors. We also have
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continued big demographic changes in the world. Africa will add at least
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oh at least a billion people between now and 2050 in net population. Uh and uh
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arguably two billion people by the end of the century. That's a lot. Uh and in other places
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there are offsetting major demographic changes.
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China's population could decline from 1.4 billion to under 1 billion people by the end of the century. So all of this
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is to say, Glenn, this is would not be a quiet moment under normal circumstances.
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We'd have major investments to undertake. We'd have major innovations to manage, to govern, to swallow. And
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we're doing it at this absolutely uh bizarre moment where we have the
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weakest American leadership probably in history. Although hard to really rank uh
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James Buchanan, Millard Filillmore, and Donald Trump, but uh you know Trump is
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definitely in in the bottom five of all time.
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certainly the most ignorant of all of them.
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Weak leadership, geopolitical tensions, a government that is more run outside a
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public view than inside public view. I think it's no accident that Daniel Radcliffe, our CIA director, was the one
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in Moscow last week. They have much more say of American foreign policy than the State Department, for example. what's
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behind the scenes is much more important than what is in front uh of the picture in America right now. So all of this is
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quite tumultuous and quite dangerous and quite unpredictable. The stable part is
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the following. China, Russia, I hope and believe India,
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African countries are not destabilizers, revolutionary powers, uh renegade
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states. They actually have a quite straightforward political agenda and
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that is economic development. These are countries that want a better life, want
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to raise living standards uh and uh want to do it in a context of massive
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technological, demographic, ecological and political change. But I believe that
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the vast majority of the world, what we call the emerging and developing economies or the emerging market development economies, EMDEs is the
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acronym that we use, that's about 85% of the world. They have no interest in
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American hegemony. It's not their business. They have no interest in Western hegemony. They're not uh
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obsessed with what's happening in Brussels versus Berlin. Uh they want to get on with their lives. Uh and they don't want to overturn the global order.
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And they're not revolutionaries. They want to make public investments, improve their infrastructure, adopt artificial
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intelligence and digital uh technologies, train their young people. That's the ballast in the world today.
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They're not out for world domination like the United States is. Uh they're not dreaming of past empire like the
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British are. Uh they're actually focused overwhelmingly on economic issues. Uh
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pretty pragmatic. How do we pay for this? Uh how do we pay for our education system? How do we build out a power
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grid? And so forth. If we just focused on those practical issues, these geopolitical dramas would fall by the
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wayside. No one wants to invade the United States. No one wants to overturn the United States. No one wants to threaten the United States.
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If you made a list of Russia's hundred objectives, invading Berlin or Paris would not be on the top 100. Uh not even
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close. Uh if you look at all the times that Russia invaded Western Europe, well, you could say that was zero. Thank you. Never. Uh so don't worry about it.
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Uh so if we got past the geopolitical obsessions, we could actually get on to some pretty practical issues.
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Yeah. Well, no I agree with the sentiment though that is the you know the world is going through this massive shift in power uh economy, technology,
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environment you know with all these wars as well. We we really need the best leaders now to navigate through these times and we have probably the worst on
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both sides of the Atlantic. But you know if we go back to the end of the cold war and you were there with I would say a front row seat some very fateful
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decisions were made in terms of structuring the new world order and also the European security architecture and
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many of our leaders then understood the risks of the choice that were being made uh primarily that of organizing it
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around hedgemony. But what what are the I guess the western policy makers failing to understand about where we're now though uh about this transition they're currently well presiding over.
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Yeah. Basically uh the US uh got it all wrong at the end of uh the cold war and
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that was the absolutely huge mistake. Uh the right end of the cold war was to say
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my god we came through the 75 years of the bolevik revolution uh and ended with peace. Uh and this is uh quite
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remarkable. It's the Soviets themselves who say god that was not the right approach. [laughter] We need to get out
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of this mess. Uh it's the Russians and President Yelson said to me said to my face we want to be normal. We just want
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to be a normal country. We want to have a market economy. We want to be at peace. We want to cooperate with the United States. We want to be normal
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again after the period from 1917 to 1991.
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And this was the answer waiting for us on the silver platter. Had the United
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States said, "Wow, that was lucky. We got thousands of nuclear warheads on both sides. We had
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what seemed to be at several moments in the last 50 years the possibility of the end of the world itself in nuclear war.
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And now comes President Gorbachev and President Yelen to say let's put an end
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to all of that. And if the United States had simply said, "Miracle, we go for it.
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We cooperate." We'd be in the golden age right now. And I was trying to find I don't know if I can locate it in real
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time, but I was trying to find a uh a document which was completely shocking
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for me. Uh uh can I find it? Oh yes, I got it. So
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if you give me one moment. Uh in 1991, I recommended
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uh I recommended a series of financial measures to help the Soviet Union to
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stabilize. uh and uh this was written with uh President
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Gorbachev's top economic advisor Gregory Yavlinski uh and with the colleagues of
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mine at Harvard uh and at uh uh at MIT and we worked together on a document
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that said basically uh the Soviet Union is in a very financially unstable mode.
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It's the end of uh the Soviet Union itself in its current form. They want to democratize. Uh the government is in a
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deep financial crisis. It's uh very very unstable. Uh we should be helping to
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stabilize the situation. And for me in my intellectual
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uh format uh and and and formation the the big lesson of the 20th century
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was the difference of how we had handled the end of World War I and the end of World War II. At the end of World War I,
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there was a punitive settlement, the Versailles treaty. uh at the end of World War II there was uh on the one
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hand the cold war which I think was unnecessary but there was also as I said American uh uh self-interested
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uh expansive beneficence of the Marshall Plan and development aid and so forth
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and the lesson as I learned it as a young student and as I read John Maynard Kaine's economic consequences of the
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piece and Then as I became a practitioner myself is don't miss a chance like 1991
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to create uh uh to create a uh peaceful environment. Don't be punitive. Don't
30:03
30 minutes, 3 seconds
declare victory and uh impose uh subordination
30:10
30 minutes, 10 seconds
policies on the other side. be magnanimous, but especially be clever to
30:17
30 minutes, 17 seconds
build an era of peace. Well, all of that is to say that I work both for President
30:23
30 minutes, 23 seconds
Gorbachev and President Yelen on a package of Western assistance to help stabilize a profoundly destabilized
30:33
30 minutes, 33 seconds
environment. When an empire collapses, it's unstable. uh
30:40
30 minutes, 40 seconds
when the Soviet Union dissolves suddenly 15 states that don't have a means even of trade with each other when you go
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30 minutes, 48 seconds
bankrupt which or become insolvent you can't pay your bills as the Soviet Union and Russia became you can get
30:57
30 minutes, 57 seconds
hyperinflation you can get massive destabilization so as a financial
31:04
31 minutes, 4 seconds
expert I recommended what are the mechanisms the tools of stabilization.
31:12
31 minutes, 12 seconds
Well, all of this, Glenn, is to say in in the document that I'm looking at on my own screen, uh the proposal we made
31:20
31 minutes, 20 seconds
went to the White House, and I didn't know it for decades afterwards. Uh but it was considered and explicitly turned
31:29
31 minutes, 29 seconds
down on a meeting of the National Security Council on June 3rd, 1991.
31:36
31 minutes, 36 seconds
And because of the Freedom of Information Act, someone ended up sending me the document. And it is the
31:44
31 minutes, 44 seconds
minutes of the meeting in which the proposal is turned down.
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31 minutes, 50 seconds
And the low lives in the White House are shocking in their recklessness,
31:57
31 minutes, 57 seconds
I would say, imbecility, including the person who at the time was head of the office of management and
32:04
32 minutes, 4 seconds
budget, Richard Darman, who had been a colleague of mine at Harvard University.
32:10
32 minutes, 10 seconds
and he was a fool. And he represented the arrogance and blighteness and ignorance of the American leadership.
32:23
32 minutes, 23 seconds
And I'll quote one line. They turn down the proposal. And then Darin says the following. I want to seem serious while
32:33
32 minutes, 33 seconds
not fooling ourselves. We have enough ingredients already for a good PR package. The list doesn't need to grow.
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32 minutes, 41 seconds
We shouldn't shoot our wad now. Mikall Gorbachev is a showman. He will pressure us no matter what. We may need something else later. Okay. What is this saying?
32:54
32 minutes, 54 seconds
These are people saying we need a PR package. This is before the G7 summit where they told Gorbachev go to hell. He went home. He was abducted in a coup.
33:07
33 minutes, 7 seconds
That was the crash that then led to Yeltson coming to power and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Okay, we need a PR package.
33:19
33 minutes, 19 seconds
That was their view. He's a showman. Gorbachev.
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33 minutes, 23 seconds
Gorbachev was not a showman. Gorbachev was trying monumentally
33:29
33 minutes, 29 seconds
to change a global order to peace. And the answer from the other side was
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33 minutes, 38 seconds
 And just to emphasize, this is one particular meeting about a financial
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33 minutes, 45 seconds
package, but it's been all the way since 1990. And we should remember
33:53
33 minutes, 53 seconds
the even bigger that was part of this scene because and I was there
34:00
34 minutes
through all of this in person. I saw this, you know, 1989 was a kind of
34:06
34 minutes, 6 seconds
miracle. Peace, the end of the division of Europe and Gorbachev was the
34:13
34 minutes, 13 seconds
constructive agent in all of it. I don't think people even understand that. But when I was advising the Polish
34:20
34 minutes, 20 seconds
government for example uh in 1989 on how to democratize and make its economic
34:27
34 minutes, 27 seconds
reform and to stabilize, Gorbachov was the one putting together the coalition government that included
34:35
34 minutes, 35 seconds
the solidarity opposition with President Yarzski.
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34 minutes, 40 seconds
Gorbachev managed that the peaceful transformation of Poland to a democracy and a market
34:48
34 minutes, 48 seconds
economy. He managed it personally. He talked to Leth Voensa's top deputies about you need to join the government.
34:58
34 minutes, 58 seconds
I'm going to help you to do it.
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35 minutes, 1 second
So here we have peace in our time. And then uh the Berlin wall falls. I was not
35:10
35 minutes, 10 seconds
in Berlin on that day. I was in Bgrade on that day. But I was deeply involved
35:17
35 minutes, 17 seconds
W tych wydarzeniach. I nagle Cole mówi: „Dobra, Niemcy się zjednoczą”. Teraz Gorbaczow miał weto, żeby…
35:28
35 minut, 28 sekund
tego chciał. Ale Gorbaczow nie zawetował zjednoczenia Niemiec.
35:34
35 minut, 34 sekundy
Gorbaczow powiedział: „Tak, zgodzimy się na to. Chcemy zjednoczonej Europy. Chcemy wspólnego domu dla Europy. I kiedy
35:42
35 minut, 42 sekundy
wiedzieć, ponownie, gorąco zaprzeczane przez tych głupców, którzy rzekomo przewodzą zachodniemu światu,
35:51
35 minut, 51 sekund
W styczniu i lutym 1990 roku Gorbaczowowi bez przerwy obiecywano, że NATO
35:58
35 minut, 58 sekund
Nie wykorzystałby tej sytuacji. Nawet nie drgnął.
36:03
36 minut, 3 sekundy
I wiemy, że Hans Dietra Genture, niemiecki minister spraw zagranicznych, wygłosił wówczas słynne przemówienie, w którym powiedział:
36:11
36 minut, 11 sekund
To oznacza brak ruchu na wschód. Wiemy, że James Baker III, amerykański sekretarz stanu, powiedział to…
36:19
36 minut, 19 sekund
Gorbaczow. A odpowiedź Gorbaczowa brzmiała: to bardzo ważne. I wiemy, że Helmet Cole powiedział to Gorbaczowowi na…
36:28
36 minut, 28 sekund
10 lutego 1990 r. Wiesz, Glenn, ci ludzie zaprzeczają temu wszystkiemu.
36:36
36 minut, 36 sekund
władza dzisiaj. Co Friedrich Merks mówi o obietnicach Niemiec, że nie
36:43
36 minut, 43 sekundy
Rozszerzenie NATO? Ani słowa. A co na ten temat mówią amerykańscy naukowcy?
36:51
36 minut, 51 sekund
Prawie nic. To haniebne. Wszystko to jest udokumentowane. Można to znaleźć w Archiwum Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego.
36:58
36 minut, 58 sekund
Uniwersytet George'a Washingtona. Ale nikt o tym nie mówi, bo kiedy wygrywasz, wolno ci oszukiwać.
37:06
37 minut, 6 sekund
Możesz kłamać. Możesz, nie musisz dotrzymywać żadnych umów. I tak się stało. Tak jak Richard Darman
37:14
37 minut, 14 sekund
powiedział: Gorbaczow to showman, potrzebujemy dobrego pakietu PR. Powiedzieli: „Dobra, teraz
37:21
37 minut, 21 sekund
NATO, teraz przesuwamy się na zachód, a właściwie na wschód." A swoją drogą, kiedy doradzałem Polsce, Zig Bjinski bardzo mi pomógł, naprawdę
37:31
37 minut, 31 sekund
dżentelmen, uh, i naprawdę pomógł w tej transformacji.
37:35
37 minut, 35 sekund
Ale potem, w 1997 roku, napisał swoją słynną książkę „Wielka szachownica”. I powiedział:
37:42
37 minut, 42 sekundy
„Stany Zjednoczone mają obecnie tak dużą dominację, że możemy ruszyć na wschód z NATO,
37:49
37 minut, 49 sekund
Unia Europejska i Rosja nie będą miały innego wyboru, jak tylko przekroczyć granice”. To właśnie
37:56
37 minut, 56 sekund
Cała książka traktuje o tym, że Ukraina jest tym, co nazywamy geopolitycznym punktem zwrotnym.
38:03
38 minut, 3 sekundy
To dosłowne słowa Brjinskiego.
38:07
38 minut, 7 sekund
I on to definiuje. Geopolityczny punkt zwrotny to coś, o co nie dbamy, poza tym, że jest to dla nas przydatne w naszym życiu.
38:15
38 minut, 15 sekund
Dążenie do prymatu w Eurazji. Więc to wszystko Glenn ma powiedzieć, że…
38:22
38 minut, 22 sekundy
w to wszystko z arogancją zwycięstwa, z wieńcem laurowym na głowach.
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38 minut, 30 sekund
Byli teraz najwyższym hegemonem świata dusz. I oczywiście
38:39
38 minut, 39 sekund
wtedy było urojeniem, a dziś stało się dla nas niezwykle niebezpieczne.
38:47
38 minut, 47 sekund
A całe podejście się nie kończy, bo teraz mamy absolutnie
38:54
38 minut, 54 sekundy
nieodpowiedzialny oszust jako prezydent, który wyraża to uczucie w najbardziej prymitywny sposób
39:01
39 minut, 1 sekunda
możliwy sposób, w każdej godzinie każdego dnia, w jaki będzie niszczył inne cywilizacje
39:08
39 minut, 8 sekund
że Kanada jest 51. stanem, a Grenlandia należy do Stanów Zjednoczonych, niezależnie od tego, gdzie się znajduje w danym momencie.
39:17
39 minut, 17 sekund
Wyraża ten pogląd, ale jak gangster, jak łobuz, a nie jak prezydent.
39:26
39 minut, 26 sekund
Brasinski napisał również, że jeśli Rosja kiedykolwiek będzie musiała jasno się z nią komunikować, jeśli kiedykolwiek będzie stawiać opór, musimy to bardzo jasno powiedzieć
39:33
39 minut, 33 sekundy
im, że możemy zamknąć im szlaki morskie. I teraz jesteśmy w trakcie robienia tego, przejmując ich statki i tak dalej. Ale…
39:42
39 minut, 42 sekundy
Tak czy inaczej, myślę, że Glenn powinien o tym wspomnieć na koniec,
39:48
39 minut, 48 sekund
nie mamy żadnych wąskich gardeł, nie
39:54
39 minut, 54 sekundy
decydująca, uh, uh przewaga technologiczna, uh żadna magiczna formuła, nie ma kontroli nad
40:03
40 minut, 3 sekundy
Dolar, nic, co wzmacniałoby złudzenie. Więc cokolwiek by myśleli
40:10
40 minut, 10 sekund
wiesz, co ma Open AI albo Claude, Chiny też to mają. A jeśli oni
40:18
40 minut, 18 sekund
Nie mają tego teraz, będą mieli za 6 miesięcy. I mają, uh, tak wiele z tego, czego my nie mamy. A Iran może utrzymać
40:26
40 minut, 26 sekund
Stany Zjednoczone w impasie, a może nawet gorzej. Jesteśmy już daleko poza wszystkim.
40:36
40 minut, 36 sekund
zdalnie uzasadniając tę ​​wspaniałość. No i dobrą nowiną dla tego świata jest zmiana
40:45
40 minut, 45 sekund
nastawienia jest w rzeczywistości najważniejszą rzeczą, której potrzebujemy za darmo. To faktycznie by zaoszczędziło
40:53
40 minut, 53 sekundy
biliony dolarów i może uratować całą planetę.
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